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Understanding The Relationship Between Political Theory And ..

In this essay, I shall try to attempt to briefly explain the two theories, going further on from this, to mainly compare and contrast these theories, especially taking into account the political power in the UK and US where modern democratic societies are claime...

"Political Power and the State" According to Spencer political power is the ..

have shaped the modern political landscape and ..

John Locke (1632–1704) is among the most influential politicalphilosophers of the modern period. In the Two Treatises ofGovernment, he defended the claim that men are by nature free andequal against claims that God had made all people naturally subject toa monarch. He argued that people have rights, such as the right tolife, liberty, and property, that have a foundation independent of thelaws of any particular society. Locke used the claim that men arenaturally free and equal as part of the justification forunderstanding legitimate political government as the result of asocial contract where people in the state of nature conditionallytransfer some of their rights to the government in order to betterensure the stable, comfortable enjoyment of their lives, liberty, andproperty. Since governments exist by the consent of the people inorder to protect the rights of the people and promote the public good,governments that fail to do so can be resisted and replaced with newgovernments. Locke is thus also important for his defense of the rightof revolution. Locke also defends the principle of majority rule andthe separation of legislative and executive powers. In the LetterConcerning Toleration, Locke denied that coercion should be usedto bring people to (what the ruler believes is) the true religion andalso denied that churches should have any coercive power over theirmembers. Locke elaborated on these themes in his later politicalwritings, such as the Second Letter on Toleration andThird Letter on Toleration.

Democracy | Boundless Sociology

In the modern era, political leaders and scholars have declared the rule of law to be essential to democracy, a necessity for economic growth, and a crucial tool in the fight for security at home and stability abroad. The United States has spent billions attemptingto catalyze rule-of-law improvements within other countries. Yet despite the importance of the goal to core foreign policy needs, and the hard work of hundreds of practitioners on the ground, the track record of successful rule-of-law promotion has been paltry.

The possibility of democracy had not been seriously considered in political theory ..

and abuse of power by the rulers

The purpose of this paper has been to outline the ways in which the idea of nation and the state have been closely interlinked throughout the many years. It has been argued that there is nothing inherent in the condition of citizenship that requires such an association. Membership, rights, duties and participation all pre-date modern political institutions and can exist independently of them. Indeed, the reconstruction of citizenship and its relationship to civil society and the public sphere has been as much about the rise of the modern nation-state, and thus the centralization and technical rationalization of power and politics, as it has been about democratization and public debate. Citizenship in the modern, nation-state sense emerged as a political tool, used for nation-building and as a means of excluding outsiders. The conflation of nation with state has allowed for a confused form of nationalism-as much, if not more, political than cultural-to evolve. At the same time, nation-state citizenship has been neglectful in matters of gender, class and ethnicity, despite its integrationist claims.

Yet the theory of modern democracy was not ..

David Held has argued that the emergence of citizenship rights and duties in the West has coincided with the development of democracy. Accordingly, national identities have to be seen in the context of these political developments. The consolidation of state sovereignty in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries helped foster the identity of people as political subjects-citizens. It meant that those subject to a state’s authority were slowly made aware of their membership in a community and the rights and obligations such membership might confer. The formation of national identities was often the result both of a struggle for membership in the new political communities, and of a struggle by political elites and governments to create a new identity to legitimate the modern state itself (Held, 121-122).

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The economic success of the other newly industrializing countries (NICs) in Asia following on the example of Japan is by now a familiar story. What is important from a Hegelian standpoint is that political liberalism has been following economic liberalism, more slowly than many had hoped but with seeming inevitability. Here again we see the victory of the idea of the universal homogenous state. South Korea had developed into a modern, urbanized society with an increasingly large and well-educated middle class that could not possibly be isolated from the larger democratic trends around them. Under these circumstances it seemed intolerable to a large part of this population that it should be ruled by an anachronistic military regime while Japan, only a decade or so ahead in economic terms, had parliamentary institutions for over forty years. Even the former socialist regime in Burma, which for so many decades existed in dismal isolation from the larger trends dominating Asia, was buffeted in the past year by pressures to liberalize both its economy and political system. It is said that unhappiness with strongman Ne Win began when a senior Burmese officer went to Singapore for medical treatment and broke down crying when he saw how far socialist Burma had been left behind by its ASEAN neighbors.